Chapter 7: Attitude, Prejudice and Stereotype

On the morning of 5 April 1968, a schoolteacher named Jane Elliott walked into her third-grade classroom in the small town of Riceville, Iowa. The day before, the civil-rights leader Martin Luther King Jr. had been killed, and her young students were full of questions about a hatred they could not understand. So Elliott tried something bold.

She told the class that blue-eyed children were smarter, cleaner and better than brown-eyed children. The blue-eyed pupils were given extra playtime and front-row seats; the brown-eyed pupils were made to wear cloth collars and were corrected more often. Within hours, the change was startling. The “superior” children grew confident, and at times unkind, while the “inferior” children became quiet, unsure, and began stumbling over work they had done easily the day before.

The next day, Elliott reversed the rule — now brown eyes were “better” — and the whole pattern flipped.

Nothing about the children had changed. Only a label had. Yet a single, meaningless line drawn between “us” and “them” had produced beliefs, feelings and unfair treatment in one afternoon. Elliott’s classroom showed, in miniature, how quickly attitudes form, how easily they harden into prejudice, and how powerfully they shape the way we treat one another.

Diagram

Fig. 7.0-1 – a classroom divided by a chalk line into two groups; one group at the front, upright and confident, the other at the back, wearing cloth collars and looking withdrawn — conveying how an arbitrary “us versus them” label creates unequal beliefs, feelings and treatment

NoteCuriosity Corner

Q1. When you strongly dislike something, is that a feeling, a thought, or the way you behave — or somehow all three at once? Q2. How can a person build up a firm like or dislike in a single day, without ever having any real experience of the thing itself? Q3. Are “prejudice”, “stereotype” and “discrimination” just three names for the same thing, or three genuinely different things? Q4. Why does simply sorting people into “us” and “them” — even by something as meaningless as eye colour — make one group start to look down on the other? Q5. If prejudice can be switched on so easily, can it also be switched off — and if so, how?

This chapter will answer each of these questions as you go through it.

7.1 Attitude: Meaning and Structure

You probably like cricket but dislike traffic, trust one shopkeeper but not another, and feel warmly towards one neighbour while keeping your distance from the next. Each of these is an evaluation — a settled sense of “for” or “against” that you carry with you. Psychologists call such evaluations attitudes.

In the classroom you read about at the start of this chapter, a single label reshaped how the children evaluated one another almost overnight. That is exactly what an attitude is: a leaning, favourable or unfavourable, towards some object in our world. This section looks at what an attitude actually is, and at the three parts that every attitude is built from.

7.1.1 What Is an Attitude?

An attitude is a learned tendency to evaluate a particular object, person, group or situation in a favourable or unfavourable way. It is, in short, our readiness to respond positively or negatively to something.

The “something” that an attitude is directed at is called the attitude object. It can be almost anything — a food, a film star, a school subject, a community, a political party, or even oneself. Every attitude is about some attitude object; there is no such thing as an attitude about nothing.

One of the most widely used definitions comes from the psychologist Gordon Allport, who studied attitudes in the 1930s.

NoteDefinition

(An attitude is a mental and neural state of readiness, built up through experience, that exerts a directing influence on how a person responds to the objects and situations it is linked with. — after Gordon Allport)

Three features in this definition are worth holding on to. First, an attitude is learned through experience, not something we are born with. Second, it is a state of readiness — a preparation to respond, which may or may not show up in actual behaviour. Third, it directs our response, tilting us towards approach or avoidance before we have even thought carefully about the object.

Attitudes are also fairly lasting. Once formed, an attitude tends to hold for a considerable time and does not usually flip from one day to the next, though it can be changed, as we shall see later in the chapter.

When Feelings Pull Both Ways

Not every attitude is simply “for” or “against”. Sometimes our evaluation of the same object contains both positive and negative elements at once. This mixed state is called ambivalence. For instance, you may look forward to a long holiday for its excitement, yet dread the cost and the crowded travel. The attitude is real, but it pulls in two directions.

Belief vs Attitude A belief is an idea we hold to be true — with or without proof — such as “regular exercise improves health”. An attitude adds feeling and a readiness to act to that idea. All attitudes rest on some belief, but not every belief becomes an attitude; a belief turns into an attitude only when emotion and motivation attach to it.

Our attitudes also grow out of the way we perceive the object. Perception is the process of taking in and making sense of the world around us. If a person perceives strangers as generally friendly, their attitude towards new people tends to be warm; if they perceive the world as hostile, their attitudes turn guarded. Perception supplies the raw picture; the attitude is the evaluation we finally settle on.

This is why opinion polls and market surveys measure attitudes. By asking people how favourably they view a product, a candidate or a policy, researchers try to predict how those people will later act — what they will buy, or how they may vote. Attitudes do not perfectly predict behaviour, but knowing them beforehand improves the guess.

7.1.2 The A-B-C Components of Attitude

Look closely at any attitude and you will find it has three parts working together: what you think, what you feel, and what you tend to do. Psychologists call these the cognitive, affective and behavioural components. Together they form the A-B-C model of attitude.

The cognitive component is the set of thoughts and beliefs a person holds about the attitude object. It is the “what I believe” part — for example, believing that a particular cricket team is skilful and well disciplined.

The affective component is the feeling or emotion attached to the attitude object. It is the “what I feel” part — the pride and excitement that rise when your team walks onto the field. These feelings, pleasant or unpleasant, give an attitude much of its force.

The behavioural component is the readiness to act towards the attitude object in a particular way. It is the “what I do” part — following every match, wearing the team’s jersey, or defending the team in an argument. A favourable attitude leans towards approach; an unfavourable one leans towards avoidance.

Diagram

Fig. 7.1-1 – three linked boxes, Cognitive (what you believe), Affective (what you feel) and Behavioural (what you tend to do), all feeding into a central label “ATTITUDE”, showing that the three components combine into one overall evaluation

the three components of attitude | Feature | Cognitive (C) | Affective (A) | Behavioural (B) | |—|—|—|—| | What it is | Thoughts and beliefs about the object | Feelings and emotions towards the object | Readiness to act towards the object | | It captures | What you believe | What you feel | What you do | | Example (a favourite cricket team) | “This team is skilful and disciplined” | Pride and excitement when they play | Watching matches, wearing the jersey |

These three components usually point the same way, so that positive beliefs go with positive feelings and supportive actions. But they need not always agree.

Q. Can the three components ever pull in different directions?

A. Yes. You may believe junk food is unhealthy (cognitive), yet enjoy its taste (affective), and still eat it anyway (behavioural). Such a clash between what we think, feel and do creates real discomfort — a tension we return to when we study cognitive dissonance.

Q1. When you strongly dislike something, is that a feeling, a thought, or the way you behave — or somehow all three at once?

A. Usually all three at once. A dislike is an attitude, and every attitude has three linked parts — a belief about the object (cognitive), a feeling towards it (affective), and a tendency to act, often by avoiding it (behavioural). What looks like a single reaction is really these three components working together.

How Attitudes Differ

Attitudes are not all alike in strength or shape. Two properties are especially useful for telling them apart. Valence refers to the direction of an attitude — whether it is positive or negative. Intensity refers to its strength — how mildly or how strongly the person holds it. A person may hold two negative attitudes, yet feel one far more fiercely than the other. A further property, centrality, describes how important an attitude is within the person’s wider system of attitudes; a central attitude, once touched, tends to pull many others along with it.

7.2 How Attitudes Are Formed

No one is born liking or disliking a political party, a food or a community. Attitudes are learned, built up gradually out of the experiences a person collects over a lifetime. This raises an interesting question: exactly how does an attitude get into us?

Psychologists have traced several routes. Most of them run through learning and the influence of other people; a few run through our culture, our inherited temperament and the flow of information around us. These routes are shown in Fig. 7.2-1, and we take them up one by one.

Diagram

Fig. 7.2-1 – six labelled arrows — association, reward and punishment, observation, cultural norms, genetic predisposition, and exposure to information — all feeding into a central box marked “ATTITUDE”, showing the many routes by which an attitude is learned

7.2.1 Formation through Learning

Most of our attitudes are acquired through social learning — that is, by interacting with, observing and imitating the people around us. Three learning routes matter most.

Learning by Association

The first route works through classical conditioning, a form of learning in which we come to link, or associate, two things that repeatedly occur together. When an attitude object is paired again and again with something pleasant or unpleasant, the feeling gradually transfers to the object itself. This transfer is what we mean by association.

Suppose a child repeatedly sees a particular festival celebrated with warmth, sweets and family joy. The good feelings attach themselves to the festival, and a positive attitude forms — not through argument, but through pairing.

Advertisers rely on exactly this. A cold drink or a phone is shown beside cheerful music, laughing friends and attractive settings. Nothing is proved about the product, yet the pleasant feelings of the scene rub off on it by association, nudging viewers towards a favourable attitude.

Learning by Reward and Punishment

The second route works through operant conditioning, a form of learning in which behaviour is shaped by its consequences. Here an attitude is strengthened when expressing it brings approval, and weakened when it brings disapproval. Approval that increases a response is called reinforcement.

A teenager who voices a certain opinion in a friends’ group, and is met with agreement and “likes”, feels rewarded and holds that attitude more firmly. Had the same opinion drawn ridicule, it would likely have been dropped or hidden.

Learning by Observation

The third route is observational learning, also called modelling — acquiring an attitude simply by watching another person hold it. This learning is strongest when the model is powerful, admired or warmly regarded, such as a parent, an elder sibling, a teacher or a film star.

attitude formation through observation Aarav, aged seven, has never met anyone from the neighbouring village. But whenever those villagers are mentioned, his uncle — whom Aarav admires — frowns and speaks coldly of them. Over the months, Aarav begins to frown at the same mention, without quite knowing why. This illustrates attitude formation through observation (modelling): the attitude was copied, not reasoned out.

three learning routes to attitudes | Feature | Association (classical conditioning) | Reward and punishment (operant conditioning) | Observation (modelling) | |—|—|—|—| | How the attitude is learned | The object is repeatedly paired with something pleasant or unpleasant | Expressing the attitude is rewarded or punished | The learner watches and copies a model’s attitude | | Role of the learner | Fairly passive; the feeling simply transfers | Active; shaped by the consequences that follow | An onlooker who imitates, often without direct experience | | Everyday example | A product shown beside cheerful, attractive scenes | Getting agreement and “likes” for an opinion online | A child taking on an elder’s view of a community |

7.2.2 Cultural Norms, Genetic Factors and Exposure to Information

Beyond direct learning, three further sources quietly shape our attitudes.

Cultural Norms

Every society passes down cultural norms — shared, largely unspoken rules about what is proper, valued or expected. Growing up inside a culture, we absorb its attitudes towards elders, food, dress, work and outsiders, often without ever being taught them explicitly.

cultural norms and attitude In many Indian families, attitudes towards elders, guests and festivals are absorbed long before a child is old enough to question them. A collectivist culture, which places the group above the individual, transmits shared attitudes strongly through family and community, so that “how we feel about this” is learned simply as “how things are”. More individualist settings leave somewhat greater room for personally chosen attitudes — though cultural norms shape everyone, everywhere.

Genetic Factors

Genes do not carry ready-made attitudes. What they shape is temperament — the inborn emotional style a person brings into the world — and temperament can tilt a person towards certain attitudes. Someone naturally drawn to novelty and risk may lean towards a favourable attitude to adventure sports, while a more cautious temperament leans the other way.

Studies comparing identical and fraternal twins have found that identical twins tend to share some attitudes — towards risk-taking or excitement, for example — a little more closely than fraternal twins do. The likely explanation is inherited temperament nudging people towards similar evaluations, not any single “attitude gene”.

Exposure to Information

Finally, attitudes form through sheer exposure to information. We read, watch and hear a great deal about people, places and issues we have never met face to face, and out of that stream of information an attitude quietly takes shape.

This is how a student can hold a firm attitude towards a distant country, a community or a public figure without any direct contact at all. It also warns us of a danger: if the information is one-sided, the attitude it builds will be lopsided too — a point that returns when we study how prejudice is learned.

Q2. How can a person build up a firm like or dislike in a single day, without ever having any real experience of the thing itself?

A. Through observation and exposure to information. We pick up attitudes by watching people we admire and by absorbing what media, books and everyday talk tell us. This is why we can end up strongly for or against a country, community or product that we have never actually encountered.

7.3 How Attitudes Change

Attitudes are fairly stable, but they are not fixed for ever. A person who once disliked a food, a place or an idea can come to accept it, and sometimes even to champion it. What makes an attitude shift?

Two broad forces are at work. One comes from outside: other people deliberately try to change our attitudes through what they say. The other comes from inside: we feel an uncomfortable clash within ourselves and change an attitude to settle it. The first is called persuasion; the second, cognitive dissonance.

7.3.1 Persuasion

Persuasion is the deliberate effort to change a person’s attitude through messages, appeals and arguments. It is at work in every advertisement, election speech and health campaign we meet.

Any act of persuasion involves three elements. There is the communicator, the source who delivers the message; the message itself, the content and its appeals; and the audience, the person or group whose attitude is the target. How well persuasion works depends on all three.

The Communicator

A source is more persuasive when it seems credible — expert, trustworthy and confident. We are readier to change our views when the person speaking clearly knows the subject and appears to have nothing to gain by misleading us. Attractive and likeable communicators also persuade more, which is why advertisers hire admired figures to endorse products.

The Message

The wording of a message matters as much as its source. Messages that stir emotion, especially a moderate amount of fear, can be effective. When the audience already leans against the idea, a two-sided message — one that admits the other side’s points before answering them — tends to work better than a one-sided pitch. Curiously, a message that does not seem designed to persuade is often the most persuasive of all, because it lowers the listener’s guard.

Public-health and road-safety drives often use fear appeals — a stark warning image, or a blunt slogan such as “Speed kills”. A moderate dose of fear works best: too little is ignored, while too much can make people shut the message out altogether. The strongest campaigns pair the fear with a clear, doable action, so the audience knows exactly what to do next.

The Audience

The listener is not a blank slate. Well-informed, confident people tend to resist persuasion, because they scrutinise the argument. A distracted or hurried audience, by contrast, is often swayed more easily, since it cannot examine the message closely.

Two Routes to Persuasion

Modern accounts of persuasion, above all the Elaboration Likelihood Model (ELM), explain these patterns with a single idea: a message can reach us by two different routes.

The central route is taken when the audience is both motivated and able to think hard about the message. Here people weigh the actual arguments, and strong arguments win while weak ones fail. Because the listener has genuinely thought it through, the resulting change in attitude is deep and lasting.

The peripheral route is taken when the audience is unmotivated, rushed, distracted or short of knowledge. Here people lean on surface cues — the speaker’s confidence or good looks, or simply the number of arguments offered — rather than on their quality. This is quicker, but the attitude change it produces is shallow and short-lived.

Diagram

Fig. 7.3-1 – a persuasive message splitting into two paths: Central route (motivated, thoughtful audience → high effort, evaluates arguments → lasting attitude change) and Peripheral route (unmotivated, distracted audience → low effort, relies on mental shortcuts → temporary attitude change)

Elaboration Likelihood Model of Persuasion Proposed by: Richard Petty and John Cacioppo (1980s) Core idea: A message can change attitudes by two routes — a thoughtful central route or a shortcut-based peripheral route — depending on how motivated and able the listener is to think about it. Key terms: central route, peripheral route, elaboration Evidence: When people care about an issue, strong arguments persuade them and weak ones do not; when they do not care, surface cues such as an attractive or confident speaker carry more weight. Limitation: In real life the two routes often blend, and it can be hard to predict which route a particular listener will take.

central route vs peripheral route | Feature | Central route | Peripheral route | |—|—|—| | When it is used | Audience is motivated and able to think hard | Audience is unmotivated, distracted, rushed or uninformed | | What the audience attends to | The strength of the actual arguments | Surface cues — the source’s looks, confidence or number of points | | Effort involved | High | Low | | Result | Deep, lasting attitude change | Shallow, temporary attitude change |

7.3.2 Cognitive Dissonance

Sometimes attitudes change not because someone pushes them, but because of a tension inside us. We often find ourselves saying or doing things that clash with what we truly think, and that clash is uncomfortable.

Psychologists call this discomfort cognitive dissonance — the unpleasant tension a person feels on holding two inconsistent thoughts, or on acting against their own attitude. The theory was proposed by Leon Festinger in 1957.

NoteDefinition

(Cognitive dissonance is the state of tension that arises when a person becomes aware of an inconsistency between two of their attitudes, or between an attitude and their behaviour.)

Consider someone who deeply values protecting the environment, yet finds themselves using single-use plastic every day. The gap between the attitude (“plastic harms the planet”) and the behaviour (“I keep using it”) produces dissonance. Because that tension is unpleasant, the person is driven to reduce it.

There are several ways to do so. One can change the attitude to fit the behaviour (“a little plastic hardly matters”); change the behaviour to fit the attitude (switch to a cloth bag); add new justifying thoughts (“I recycle, so I balance it out”); or simply play down the whole issue, a move called trivialisation. Whichever path is taken, the aim is to restore a sense of consistency.

Cognitive Dissonance Theory Proposed by: Leon Festinger (1957) Core idea: Holding two inconsistent thoughts, or acting against one’s own attitude, creates an uncomfortable tension that pushes the person to restore consistency — often by quietly changing the attitude. Key terms: dissonance, consonance, less-leads-to-more effect Evidence: Festinger and Carlsmith’s boring-task experiment (see the Key Study below). Limitation: People differ in how much inconsistency troubles them, and some cultures appear more comfortable living with contradiction than others.

The Less-Leads-to-More Effect

One striking prediction of the theory is the less-leads-to-more effect: the weaker the outside reason for acting against your attitude, the stronger the dissonance, and so the larger the attitude change. When there is a strong reason — a big reward or a serious threat — you can justify your action easily, dissonance stays low, and your attitude barely moves. When the reason is flimsy, the only way to feel consistent is to change the attitude itself.

Diagram

Fig. 7.3-2 – two paths: “Strong reason for acting against one’s attitude → dissonance is weak → attitude change is small” and “Weak reason for acting against one’s attitude → dissonance is strong → attitude change is large”

Festinger and Carlsmith — the boring-task experiment Question: Would people paid very little to tell a lie end up believing the lie more than people paid a lot? Method: Participants completed a dull, repetitive task. They were then paid either $1 or $20 to tell the next participant that the task had been enjoyable, and afterwards rated how much they themselves had actually liked it. Finding: Those paid only $1 later rated the task as more enjoyable than those paid $20. Meaning: A large payment gives ample justification for the lie, so little dissonance arises. A tiny payment does not, so participants eased the leftover tension by changing their attitude — deciding the task really had been fun. This demonstrates both dissonance and the less-leads-to-more effect. The study also carries an ethical caution: participants were deceived, which is why research today requires a proper debriefing afterwards.

7.4 Prejudice, Stereotype and Discrimination

So far we have treated attitudes as ordinary evaluations of everyday objects. But one kind of attitude does far more damage than the rest: the negative attitude a person holds towards a whole group of people. This is where the study of attitudes turns into the study of prejudice.

The word looks daunting, but the three terms at the heart of it — prejudice, stereotype and discrimination — are simply the three components of attitude you already know, now aimed at a social group.

7.4.1 What Is Prejudice?

The word prejudice means, quite literally, a “pre-judgement” — a judgement made in advance, before the facts are in. In psychology it has a sharper meaning.

Prejudice is a preconceived, usually negative attitude towards the members of a group, held simply because they belong to that group. The prejudiced person judges someone not as an individual, but as a specimen of a category — “one of them”.

NoteDefinition

(Prejudice is a preconceived, generally negative attitude towards members of a social group, based only on their membership of that group and not on anything they have done as individuals.)

Two points give prejudice its sting. First, it is directed at people, and grades them down before they have said or done anything. Second, it is the affective — the feeling — component of an attitude towards a group. It is what the prejudiced person feels.

Prejudice is not always visible. Because of law, social pressure and the wish to keep good relations, people often keep their prejudices hidden behind polite behaviour. A prejudice can therefore sit quietly in the mind, unspoken, and still shape how a person leans.

7.4.2 Stereotype and Discrimination

If prejudice is the feeling about a group, it rests on a belief about that group and can spill over into unfair action. These are the other two components.

A stereotype is a fixed, oversimplified set of beliefs that all members of a group share certain traits. It is the cognitive component of a group attitude. Stereotypes assume that people can be read off from their category — that knowing the group tells you the person. They may contain a grain of truth or none at all, and they are mostly negative. “Teenagers are reckless” or “engineers are dull” are everyday stereotypes: they iron out all the differences between individuals into one flat picture.

Discrimination is unfair, less favourable treatment of people because of their group membership. It is the behavioural component — prejudice turned into action. An employer who rejects a well-qualified applicant purely because of the community they come from is discriminating: a private feeling has become a public harm.

Diagram

Fig. 7.4-1 – a triangle with its three corners labelled Stereotype (cognitive – “what I believe”), Prejudice (affective – “how I feel”) and Discrimination (behavioural – “how I act”); the centre reads “attitude towards a social group”, showing the three map onto the A-B-C components

stereotype vs prejudice vs discrimination | Feature | Stereotype | Prejudice | Discrimination | |—|—|—|—| | Component of attitude | Cognitive (belief) | Affective (feeling) | Behavioural (action) | | What it is | A fixed belief that all members of a group are alike | A negative feeling towards the group | Unfair, less favourable treatment of the group’s members | | It answers | “What do I believe about them?” | “How do I feel about them?” | “How do I act towards them?” | | Example | “All of that group are the same” | Disliking a person before ever meeting them | Denying a qualified person a job because of their group |

Prejudice vs Discrimination Prejudice is an attitude — a negative feeling held inside the mind. Discrimination is the action — the unfair treatment that puts that feeling into practice. A person may be prejudiced without discriminating, when law or social pressure holds them back; and, less often, may discriminate without personal prejudice, simply by following an unfair rule.

stereotypes in the Indian context Indian society, being vast and diverse, carries several well-known stereotypes — tied to gender, caste, region, religion and language. A familiar one is the gender stereotype that certain kinds of work “suit” only men or only women. Such beliefs can quietly narrow the opportunities open to whole groups. The Constitution of India forbids discrimination on these grounds, and education, awareness and everyday contact across groups slowly loosen these stereotypes — though, like stereotypes everywhere, they yield only gradually.

the harm of labelling Labelling a person by their group — “he is one of those people” — erases their individuality and judges them before they have said or done a single thing. Such labels can wound self-respect, close off chances, and, over time, even push people to act as the label expects. Treating each person first as an individual is both a good scientific habit and a basic ethical duty.

Q3. Are “prejudice”, “stereotype” and “discrimination” just three names for the same thing, or three genuinely different things?

A. They are three genuinely different things — the three components of a single attitude towards a group. A stereotype is the belief (cognitive), prejudice is the feeling (affective), and discrimination is the unfair action (behavioural). Belief and feeling live in the mind; only discrimination shows up in the open as behaviour.

7.5 Causes of Prejudice

Where does prejudice come from? It is not something people are born with; it is built up through psychological, social and cultural processes. Researchers have identified four main causes: prejudice is learned from others, it grows out of competition between groups, it springs from the way we categorise people, and it is sustained by the stereotypes we carry. We take these in turn.

7.5.1 Social Learning

The first and simplest cause is that prejudice, like any other attitude, is learned. Children pick up prejudiced views from parents, teachers, friends and the wider community, in exactly the ways we studied under attitude formation — by observation, by association, and by being rewarded for expressing the “right” opinions.

A child who is praised, or simply approved of, for repeating a family’s low opinion of another group learns that the opinion is welcome, and holds it more firmly. The prejudice was never reasoned out; it was absorbed and reinforced.

Films, news and social media are powerful teachers of prejudice. When a particular community is shown again and again in a negative light — always the villain, always the problem — audiences slowly take on that slant as if it were plain fact. The very same channels, used differently, can teach acceptance just as powerfully.

7.5.2 Realistic Competition

A second cause lies in real conflict over scarce things. When two groups must compete for limited resources — jobs, land, admissions, opportunities — each begins to see the other as a rival standing in its way. Rivalry hardens into hostility, and hostility into prejudice. This explanation is known as realistic conflict theory.

Muzafer Sherif — the Robbers Cave experiment Question: What happens to attitudes between two groups when they are made to compete for rewards only one side can win? Method: At a summer camp, boys were split into two groups that at first did not know of each other. The groups were then pitted against each other in contests with a single winner. Later, the researchers set both groups shared problems that neither could solve alone. Finding: Competition quickly bred name-calling, hostility and open prejudice between the groups. Yet when the two groups had to cooperate on goals that mattered to both, the hostility faded and friendships formed across the divide. Meaning: Prejudice can arise simply from competition over scarce resources — and cooperation towards shared goals can undo it. (The boys were studied without full awareness of the design, which would face far stricter ethical review today.)

Realistic Conflict Theory Proposed by: Muzafer Sherif (1950s–1960s) Core idea: Prejudice and hostility between groups grow out of genuine competition for limited resources; as they compete, each group comes to view the other as a rival and an enemy. Key terms: realistic competition, in-group, out-group, superordinate goals Evidence: The Robbers Cave experiment (see the Key Study). Limitation: Real competition is not always required — as the next cause shows, merely sorting people into groups can spark bias even with nothing to fight over.

The shared goals that finally united Sherif’s two groups are called superordinate goals — aims so large that no single group can reach them alone. We return to their power when we look at how prejudice can be reduced.

7.5.3 Social Categorisation

The human mind is built to sort. Almost automatically, we divide the social world into two boxes — the group we belong to and the group we do not. This sorting is called social categorisation.

The group we see ourselves as part of is the in-group (“us”); any group we place outside it is an out-group (“them”). These lines can be drawn on almost anything — religion, region, age, gender, occupation, the school one attends. Once drawn, the mind tends to view the in-group more warmly and the out-group more coolly, a tilt known as in-group bias.

Diagram

Fig. 7.5-1 – a circle split into two halves: the left half labelled “US” (in-group) with the caption “we are good, always right”, the right half labelled “THEM” (out-group) with the caption “they are bad, always wrong” — showing the favourable view of the in-group and the unfavourable view of the out-group

This bias runs deep. We even explain behaviour differently depending on the group: a good act by our own side is credited to character, while the same act by the other side is dismissed as luck or trickery — and bad acts are read the opposite way. This double standard is called the ultimate attribution error.

Henri Tajfel — the minimal group experiments Question: Is real competition necessary for in-group favouritism, or is being placed in a group enough on its own? Method: Participants were split into two groups on a trivial, almost meaningless basis — such as which of two artists they slightly preferred. The groups never met and never competed. Participants were then asked to hand out points or rewards to anonymous members of each group. Finding: Even with nothing at stake and no contact at all, participants consistently gave more to members of their own group than to the other. Meaning: The mere act of categorisation — drawing an “us” and a “them” — is by itself enough to produce in-group favouritism and the first seeds of prejudice. No real conflict is needed.

Q4. Why does simply sorting people into “us” and “them” — even by something as meaningless as eye colour — make one group start to look down on the other?

A. Because of social categorisation. The mind automatically splits people into an in-group (“us”) and an out-group (“them”), then favours its own side and views the other less kindly. As Tajfel’s experiments showed, this in-group bias appears even when the grouping is completely trivial — which is precisely why an arbitrary label like eye colour was enough in that classroom.

7.5.4 Stereotyping

The fourth cause is the stereotype itself. Once a person holds a stereotype about a group, it acts as a mental filter that shapes how new information is handled. Facts that fit the stereotype are noticed and remembered easily; facts that clash with it are overlooked or explained away.

Because of this filtering, stereotypes tend to confirm themselves and grow more rigid over time, resisting the very evidence that could correct them. A hardened stereotype then feeds a steady supply of prejudice against the group it describes.

Q. If a stereotype is wrong, why doesn’t meeting exceptions simply correct it?

A. Because we tend to notice and remember the cases that fit the stereotype, while quietly setting aside those that don’t (“oh, she’s an exception”). The belief screens the very evidence that could disprove it — so it survives.

7.6 Ways of Resisting Prejudice

If prejudice were fixed and inborn, there would be little we could do about it. But we have seen that prejudice is learned — and what is learned can be unlearned. Over decades, psychologists have tested several ways of reducing prejudice. Five of them stand out.

7.6.1 Direct Intergroup Contact

The oldest and best-studied idea is simple: bring the groups together. When members of different groups actually meet, they discover shared interests and personal likeness, and the rigid belief that “they are all the same” begins to crack. This is the contact hypothesis, put forward by Gordon Allport.

But contact alone is not enough — indeed, the wrong kind of contact can make things worse. Prejudice falls only when the meeting meets certain conditions.

  • Equal status — the groups meet as equals, not as superior and inferior.
  • Cooperation, not competition — they work together towards something, rather than against each other.
  • Common goals — shared aims that each group needs the other to reach.
  • Support from authorities — laws, institutions or leaders that back the contact and fair treatment.
  • Room to become acquainted — enough closeness for people to know each other as individuals, not as faceless members of a category.

These are exactly the conditions that finally united Sherif’s two warring camp groups: only when they had to cooperate as equals on shared goals did the hostility melt.

Contact Hypothesis Proposed by: Gordon Allport (1954) Core idea: Direct contact between members of different groups reduces prejudice — but only when the contact is of the right kind, not just any contact at all. Key terms: equal status, cooperation, common goals, institutional support Evidence: Mixed teams, classrooms and neighbourhoods show lower prejudice where the conditions are met; Sherif’s cooperating groups are a clear example. Limitation: Contact under the wrong conditions — unequal, competitive or forced — can deepen prejudice rather than ease it.

Contact even works at a distance. The extended contact hypothesis holds that simply knowing that someone in your own group has a close friend in the other group can lower prejudice — the benefit spreads without your having to meet the out-group yourself.

7.6.2 Recategorisation

Since prejudice starts with drawing a line between “us” and “them”, one cure is to redraw that line. Recategorisation means shifting the boundary so that former out-group members are folded into a single, larger in-group — a shared “we”.

Diagram

Fig. 7.6-1 – two separate circles labelled “US” and “THEM” merging into one larger circle labelled “WE”, showing how redrawing the boundary turns a former out-group into part of a shared, larger in-group

Think of an inter-house sports match, where you cheer for your own house and feel a spark of rivalry against the others. But when the best players from every house are chosen for one school team, the old rivals are suddenly on your side, and you cheer for them too. The “enemy” has been recategorised as one of “us”. The same move works on a larger scale — seeing past region or language to “we Indians”, and ultimately to “we human beings”.

7.6.3 Breaking the Cycle of Hate

Because prejudice is handed down, generation after generation, from elders to children, one of the surest ways to resist it is to break that chain — to consciously choose not to pass hatred on.

When parents, teachers and elders refuse to voice biased views, and instead model respect towards other groups, children grow up without inheriting the prejudice. Many adults who recognise their own prejudices decide, deliberately, to raise the next generation differently. This “learning not to hate” ensures that a bias which took root in one generation does not automatically flower in the next.

7.6.4 Developing Positive Values

Resisting prejudice is not only about stopping the bad; it is also about building the good. Developing positive values means actively cultivating fairness, equality, empathy and respect for every person as an individual.

When people genuinely hold equality as a value, prejudice starts to clash with their own image of themselves as fair-minded, and they work to bring their attitudes into line. A key habit here is perspective-taking — the effort to imagine the world from another group’s point of view, which quietly dissolves the sense of “them” as strange or lesser.

Think of a group of people you know very little about. Instead of relying on what you have heard, write down three honest questions you would genuinely like to ask a member of that group about their everyday life. Simply noticing how much you do not yet know is a small step towards seeing people as individuals rather than as a category.

7.6.5 Reducing Stereotype Vulnerability

The last method protects the targets of prejudice. When people know that a negative stereotype hangs over their group, the fear of confirming it can create anxiety that actually undermines them. This fear is called stereotype threat, and the anxious, self-doubting state it produces is stereotype vulnerability.

Claude Steele and Joshua Aronson — stereotype threat Question: Can simply reminding people of a negative stereotype about their group harm how well they perform? Method: Two matched, equally able groups of students took the same difficult test. One group was reminded beforehand of a negative stereotype about their group’s ability in that area; the other group was not. Finding: The reminded group performed noticeably worse than the group that had not been reminded, despite being equally capable. Meaning: Awareness of a negative stereotype breeds anxiety about confirming it, and that anxiety itself drags performance down. Remove the reminder, and build fair, supportive settings, and people perform to their real ability.

Stereotype vulnerability can be reduced by building an inclusive, non-judgemental environment; by offering successful role models from the stereotyped group; by encouraging a growth mindset, which credits effort over fixed ability and treats skill as something that can be improved; by emphasising each person’s own identity rather than their group; and by teaching people, openly, how stereotypes work in the first place.

Q5. If prejudice can be switched on so easily, can it also be switched off — and if so, how?

A. Yes — because prejudice is learned, it can be unlearned. The evidence points to several tools working together: bringing groups into the right kind of contact, redrawing “us and them” into a larger “we”, refusing to pass hatred on to children, cultivating values of fairness and empathy, and easing the anxiety that stereotypes place on their targets. None works instantly, but together they steadily loosen prejudice’s grip.

7.7 Summary

  1. An attitude is a learned, fairly lasting tendency to evaluate an object, person, group or situation favourably or unfavourably. Every attitude is directed at some attitude object.

  2. Attitudes have three components — the A-B-C model: cognitive (what we believe), affective (what we feel) and behavioural (what we tend to do). The three usually agree, but when they clash they create discomfort.

  3. Attitudes differ in valence (their direction, positive or negative) and intensity (their strength). A belief becomes an attitude only when feeling and motivation attach to it.

  4. Attitudes are formed, never inborn. The syllabus routes are learning by association (classical conditioning), learning by reward and punishment (operant conditioning), learning by observation (modelling), cultural norms, inherited temperament (genetic factors), and exposure to information.

  5. Observation and exposure to information explain how firm attitudes can form towards things a person has never directly experienced.

  6. Attitudes change through two processes. Persuasion is an outside effort to change attitudes through messages, working through the communicator, the message and the audience.

  7. The Elaboration Likelihood Model describes two routes to persuasion: the central route (careful thought about strong arguments) gives lasting change, while the peripheral route (surface cues and mental shortcuts) gives only temporary change.

  8. Cognitive dissonance is the discomfort of holding two inconsistent thoughts, or acting against one’s attitude. To ease it, people change the attitude, change the behaviour, add justifications, or play the clash down.

  9. The less-leads-to-more effect: the weaker the outside reason for acting against one’s attitude, the greater the dissonance, and so the larger the attitude change — shown by Festinger and Carlsmith’s boring-task study.

  10. Prejudice, stereotype and discrimination are the three components of an attitude towards a group. A stereotype is the belief (cognitive), prejudice is the negative feeling (affective), and discrimination is the unfair action (behavioural).

  11. Prejudice can exist without discrimination, because law and social pressure often hold the action back even when the feeling remains.

  12. Prejudice has four causes. It is learned through social learning; it grows out of realistic competition for scarce resources (realistic conflict theory, shown by Sherif’s Robbers Cave study); it springs from social categorisation into in-group and out-group, which produces in-group bias even on trivial grounds (shown by Tajfel’s minimal group studies); and it is sustained by stereotyping, which filters information so the stereotype confirms itself.

  13. Because prejudice is learned, it can be reduced. The syllabus lists five ways: direct intergroup contact under the right conditions (contact hypothesis), recategorisation into a shared larger “we”, breaking the cycle of hate by not passing prejudice to children, developing positive values such as fairness and empathy, and reducing stereotype vulnerability by easing the anxiety of stereotype threat.

7.8 Key Terms

  1. A-B-C model — the view that every attitude is made of three components: affective (feeling), behavioural (action) and cognitive (belief).

  2. Affective component — the feeling or emotion attached to an attitude object; the “what I feel” part of an attitude.

  3. Ambivalence — an attitude that contains both positive and negative elements towards the same object at the same time.

  4. Association — the linking of an attitude object with something pleasant or unpleasant, so that the feeling transfers to the object (as in classical conditioning).

  5. Attitude — a learned, fairly lasting tendency to evaluate an object, person, group or situation favourably or unfavourably.

  6. Attitude object — the thing, person, group or situation that an attitude is directed at.

  7. Audience — the person or group whose attitude a persuasive message is trying to change.

  8. Behavioural component — the readiness to act in a particular way towards an attitude object; the “what I do” part of an attitude.

  9. Belief — an idea a person holds to be true, with or without proof; the cognitive basis on which attitudes rest.

  10. Central route — the persuasion route taken when the audience thinks hard about the actual arguments, producing lasting attitude change.

  11. Classical conditioning — learning by association, in which two things that repeatedly occur together come to be linked in the mind.

  12. Cognitive component — the thoughts and beliefs a person holds about an attitude object; the “what I believe” part of an attitude.

  13. Cognitive dissonance — the uncomfortable tension felt when a person holds two inconsistent thoughts, or acts against their own attitude.

  14. Communicator — the source who delivers a persuasive message.

  15. Contact hypothesis — the idea that direct contact between groups reduces prejudice, but only under conditions such as equal status and cooperation.

  16. Cultural norms — the shared, largely unspoken rules of a society about what is proper, valued or expected, which shape attitudes.

  17. Discrimination — unfair, less favourable treatment of people because of their group membership; the behavioural component of a group attitude.

  18. Elaboration Likelihood Model — a model of persuasion holding that messages change attitudes by a thoughtful central route or a shortcut-based peripheral route.

  19. Exposure to information — the forming of attitudes through the information we read, watch and hear, even without direct contact with the object.

  20. Extended contact hypothesis — the idea that merely knowing an in-group member has a friend in the out-group can reduce prejudice.

  21. Growth mindset — the belief that ability can be improved through effort, used to protect people from stereotype-based anxiety.

  22. In-group — the group a person sees themselves as belonging to (“us”).

  23. In-group bias — the tendency to view one’s own group more favourably than an out-group.

  24. Intensity — the strength of an attitude, that is, how mildly or strongly it is held.

  25. Less-leads-to-more effect — the finding that a weaker outside reason for acting against one’s attitude produces greater dissonance and so larger attitude change.

  26. Message — the content and appeals of a persuasive communication.

  27. Observational learning — acquiring an attitude by watching and copying another person (a model); also called modelling.

  28. Operant conditioning — learning in which behaviour is shaped by its consequences, that is, by reward and punishment.

  29. Out-group — any group a person places outside their own (“them”).

  30. Peripheral route — the persuasion route taken when the audience relies on surface cues rather than argument, producing only temporary change.

  31. Persuasion — a deliberate effort to change a person’s attitude through messages, appeals and arguments.

  32. Prejudice — a preconceived, usually negative attitude towards members of a group, based only on their group membership.

  33. Realistic conflict theory — the view that prejudice grows out of genuine competition between groups for limited resources.

  34. Recategorisation — redrawing the boundary between “us” and “them” so that a former out-group becomes part of a shared, larger in-group.

  35. Reinforcement — a consequence, such as approval, that strengthens the response it follows.

  36. Social categorisation — the mind’s automatic sorting of people into an in-group and an out-group.

  37. Social learning — the acquiring of attitudes by interacting with, observing and imitating other people.

  38. Stereotype — a fixed, oversimplified belief that all members of a group share certain traits; the cognitive component of a group attitude.

  39. Stereotype threat — the anxiety of possibly confirming a negative stereotype about one’s group, which can itself lower performance.

  40. Stereotype vulnerability — the anxious, self-doubting state that stereotype threat produces in the person it targets.

  41. Superordinate goals — aims so large that no single group can reach them alone, so that groups must cooperate.

  42. Ultimate attribution error — the tendency to credit good acts by one’s own group to character, but good acts by an out-group to luck or trickery (and the reverse for bad acts).

  43. Valence — the direction of an attitude, that is, whether it is positive or negative.

7.9 Points to Ponder

  1. If our attitudes do not always show up in our behaviour, is it fairer to judge a person by what they say they believe, or only by what they actually do?

  2. If the mind sorts people into “us” and “them” almost automatically, can prejudice ever be fully removed — or can it only ever be redirected towards a larger “us”?

  3. A stereotype quietly screens out the very evidence that could disprove it. Given that, how could you ever tell which of your own firm beliefs about a group are stereotypes?

  4. Advertising, election speeches and even public-health campaigns all rely on persuasion. Where does helping people make up their minds end, and manipulating them begin?

  5. We already know several ways to reduce prejudice, yet it survives almost everywhere. Is prejudice mainly a problem of not knowing the cure, or of not being willing to apply it?

7.10 Objective Questions

  1. The cognitive component of an attitude refers to — [1 mark]
    1. what a person feels about the object
    2. what a person believes about the object
    3. how a person acts towards the object
    4. how strongly the attitude is held
  2. Attitude change that is deep and lasting is most likely to occur through the — [1 mark]
    1. peripheral route
    2. central route
    3. use of attractive communicators
    4. use of mental shortcuts
  3. The idea that prejudice grows out of competition between groups for scarce resources is central to — [1 mark]
    1. the contact hypothesis
    2. the Elaboration Likelihood Model
    3. realistic conflict theory
    4. cognitive dissonance theory
  4. Which of the following is NOT listed as a cause of prejudice? [1 mark]
    1. social learning
    2. social categorisation
    3. persuasion
    4. stereotyping
  5. Which of the following is NOT a way of resisting prejudice? [1 mark]
    1. recategorisation
    2. direct intergroup contact
    3. social categorisation
    4. developing positive values
  6. Discrimination is best described as the ______ component of an attitude towards a group. [1 mark]
    1. cognitive
    2. affective
    3. behavioural
    4. genetic
  7. The less-leads-to-more effect was demonstrated in an experiment by — [1 mark]
    1. Sherif
    2. Tajfel
    3. Allport
    4. Festinger and Carlsmith
  8. Assertion (A): The central route produces more lasting attitude change than the peripheral route. Reason (R): In the central route, the audience carefully weighs the strength of the actual arguments. [1 mark]
    1. Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A.
    2. Both A and R are true, but R is not the correct explanation of A.
    3. A is true but R is false.
    4. A is false but R is true.
  9. Assertion (A): Prejudice is an attitude, while discrimination is a behaviour. Reason (R): Every prejudiced person always discriminates against the group they dislike. [1 mark]
    1. Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A.
    2. Both A and R are true, but R is not the correct explanation of A.
    3. A is true but R is false.
    4. A is false but R is true.
  10. Assertion (A): Merely sorting people into groups can produce in-group bias. Reason (R): Tajfel’s minimal group experiments found favouritism towards one’s own group even without any competition. [1 mark]
    1. Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A.
    2. Both A and R are true, but R is not the correct explanation of A.
    3. A is true but R is false.
    4. A is false but R is true.
  11. Assertion (A): According to the less-leads-to-more effect, a large reward for acting against one’s attitude produces the greatest attitude change. Reason (R): A large reward gives ample justification for the action, which lowers dissonance. [1 mark]
    1. Both A and R are true, and R is the correct explanation of A.
    2. Both A and R are true, but R is not the correct explanation of A.
    3. A is true but R is false.
    4. A is false but R is true.
  12. Match each psychologist in Column I with the contribution in Column II. [1 mark]
Column I Column II
a. Leon Festinger i. contact hypothesis
b. Gordon Allport ii. minimal group experiments
c. Muzafer Sherif iii. cognitive dissonance
d. Henri Tajfel iv. realistic conflict theory
  1. Match each term in Column I with the component of attitude in Column II. [1 mark]
Column I Column II
a. stereotype i. affective
b. prejudice ii. behavioural
c. discrimination iii. cognitive
  1. Fill in the blank: The direction of an attitude — whether it is positive or negative — is called its __________. [1 mark]

  2. Fill in the blank: Aims so large that no single group can reach them alone, forcing groups to cooperate, are called __________. [1 mark]

  3. Fill in the blank: The uncomfortable tension felt on holding two inconsistent thoughts, or on acting against one’s own attitude, is called __________. [1 mark]

  4. State whether True or False: A stereotype is the behavioural component of an attitude towards a group. [1 mark]

  5. State whether True or False: Any contact between two groups will reduce prejudice, whatever the conditions. [1 mark]

7.11 Check Your Concepts

  1. Define attitude and name its three components. [2 marks] (about 30 words)

  2. What is an attitude object? Give one example. [2 marks] (about 30 words)

  3. Define cognitive dissonance. [2 marks] (about 30 words)

  4. State any two conditions under which intergroup contact is likely to reduce prejudice. [2 marks] (about 30 words)

  5. Differentiate between prejudice and discrimination. [3 marks] (about 60 words)

  6. Differentiate between the central and peripheral routes to persuasion. [3 marks] (about 60 words)

  7. Give reasons why stereotypes are so hard to change, even when a person meets people who do not fit them. [3 marks] (about 60 words)

  8. Explain, with an example, how an attitude can be formed through observational learning. [3 marks] (about 60 words)

  9. Explain, with an example, how classical conditioning forms an attitude. [4 marks] (about 100 words)

  10. Describe the less-leads-to-more effect and explain why it occurs. [4 marks] (about 100 words)

  11. Evaluate the claim that “any contact between groups reduces prejudice.” [4 marks] (about 100 words)

  12. Explain how social categorisation can lead to prejudice, referring to the in-group, the out-group and in-group bias. [4 marks] (about 100 words)

  13. Describe the Elaboration Likelihood Model of persuasion, including both routes, its supporting evidence, and one limitation. [6 marks] (about 150 words)

  14. Explain cognitive dissonance theory — what dissonance is, the ways in which people reduce it, the evidence that supports the theory, and one limitation. [6 marks] (about 150 words)

  15. Discuss the four causes of prejudice. [6 marks] (about 150 words)

  16. Discuss the ways in which prejudice can be resisted. [6 marks] (about 150 words)

7.12 Case-Based Questions

  1. Meera has never watched a street play, but her elder sister, whom she admires, often calls them boring and old-fashioned. Meera now believes street plays are dull, feels reluctant whenever one is mentioned, and quietly avoids joining the school drama club. [5 marks]
    1. Identify the three components of Meera’s attitude towards street plays.
    2. Which route of attitude formation best explains how she formed this attitude without ever seeing a street play?
    3. Suggest one way in which her attitude might be changed.
  2. A health worker wants to persuade a village to boil its drinking water. She is choosing between two plans: a talk by a trusted local doctor who explains the clear evidence, or a catchy jingle sung by a popular film star. [6 marks]
    1. Name the two routes to persuasion that these two plans rely on.
    2. Which plan is likely to produce more lasting change in the villagers’ attitude, and why?
    3. Suggest one feature the health worker could add to her message to make it more persuasive.
  3. Two neighbourhoods have long distrusted each other after years of quarrelling over a shared water tank. A local project now brings together young people from both areas to jointly design, build and manage a new tank that both neighbourhoods will depend on. [6 marks]
    1. Which cause of prejudice best explains the original distrust between the two neighbourhoods?
    2. Which method of resisting prejudice does the joint project use, and which conditions make it effective?
    3. Explain how this project might change how each side sees “us” and “them”.
  4. Ananya scores consistently well in her mathematics practice tests. Before an important exam, a relative jokingly remarks that “girls are just not good at maths.” In the exam, Ananya feels unusually anxious and scores well below her practice level. [5 marks]
    1. Name and explain the process most likely at work in Ananya’s exam performance.
    2. Suggest two ways in which her stereotype vulnerability could be reduced.